They're Afraid

I was at a family Chanukah party in Haifa when I received word of the High Court decision to overturn the District Court ruling that would have reinstated Michael Ratzon, and as a result - myself, as well, to our original slots on the Likud list. Our relatives were certain that the High Court would not embarrass itself by overturning the District Court decision. After all, everybody in the country knows why I was bumped down to the 36th slot on the Likud list. In the ruling handed down by the District Court, Judge Yehuda Zapt clearly writes: "In truth, the change in the list stemmed from the desire to distance Moshe Feiglin from the slot in which he was placed."

But I thought otherwise. In interviews that morning I had already predicted that the High Court's fear of me would overcome its embarrassment, that it would accept the Likud's appeal and that in the best case scenario, I would remain in the 36th slot.

They are afraid. They are very afraid. They see how the Israeli public has opened up to our messages. They see the amazing interest and coverage that my campaign generated. From their vantage point they can discern the progress of the faith based revolution much more clearly than we can. Deep inside, they understand that they are actually a relic of the past. They see the 'changing of the guard' of Israeli society and they know that they exist on borrowed time.

If I had accepted the offer of my friend Aryeh Eldad to head his party, the High Court would have had no problem. They had allowed Baruch Marzel to run, but disqualified me in the same election (for my 'disgraceful' crime of organizing the Zo Artzeinu anti-Oslo protests). As far as they are concerned, it is just fine for the nationalists to create a sector-based party for their own constituency, put six, seven or maybe even eight people into the Knesset and to invest all of their energies outside the arena that threatens them - the national leadership arena.

In the previous elections, Lieberman and the Likud won approximately the same number of Knesset seats. Lieberman emerged as the grand victor, while Netanyahu looked like he was permanently finished. But Lieberman was king of the sector. Netanyahu, on the other hand, was the defeated contender for the national crown. Just two and a half years later, Lieberman has exhausted his sector-based possibilities while Netanyahu is once again considered the up and coming prime minister.

Our strategic goal is to lead Israel. My election to the Knesset as an MK is a tactical tool to attain this goal. That is why we cannot leave the national leadership arena for a sector-based party.

If we succeed in convincing the Likud members in the next primaries to vote Feiglin for head of the party, we will also be able to convince the entire Israeli population - and in a big way. If we do not succeed, then we are not yet ripe to lead the nation and we must continue to work and progress. The fact that we are progressing on the national leadership track scares the leftist elites now controlling Israel. Their fear is the most reliable sign that we are on the right path.

Now that all the parties have submitted their Knesset rosters and the dictatorship has exhausted its intra-party tools (in this round) the battle against me moves to the general Knesset arena. The radical Left Meretz party has already announced that it will appeal to the Central Elections Committee to disqualify me from running for the Knesset - in any slot.

Nobody said this would be boring.

Post-Election Miracles

Whether I will or will not get a Knesset seat or which slot I occupy on the Likud roster is not of great concern to me. But what has been really difficult since I was bumped to 36th place has been explaining to my supporters why I insist on not appealing the decision in court. After all, wonderful people have been following my lead for years. They have worked with unending dedication and volunteered countless hours of their precious time. Suddenly I stubbornly insist on something that seems to be completely marginal.

"True," they say to me," the High Court is not very popular, but these are the rules of the game. You can't be in politics and play by your own rules." Top notch lawyers volunteer to represent me gratis. Veteran Likud members call me in astonishment, "What do you think you're doing?" Friends who have been with me through thick and thin appeal to my conscience. "You can't abandon all the people who have worked so hard," they plead. "This is not your own private game."

Then there are the people who see my refusal to appeal to the court as a sign of weakness. "Why don't you fight?" they protest. "What? You've given up?" Later, their protests became even more accusing. "O.k., you've made a nice demonstration. But now Michael Ratzon has appealed to the court instead of you. His appeal is based completely on your case. The District judge says that you are completely right: "The Elections Committee did not have the authority to change the outcome of the elections. Clearly the measures they took were directed at the purpose of changing the roster in a way that would distance Moshe Feiglin from the high slot that he had won." (From the decision handed down by District Court Judge Yehudah Zapt). "All that you have to do is to turn to the court and request that its decision (that is about you) be applied to you, as well as to Ratzon."

But I refuse to do it. People who have supported our efforts for years call up in anger. And worst of all, people throughout the country call and say, "We stood in line for hours to vote for you. We feel betrayed."

And then G-d performs another of a long string of elections miracles. The Likud appeals to the High Court and announces that if the appeal is rejected, it will revert to the original Likud roster - in other words, I would be back in the 20th slot. Once again, the judicial process is exhausted despite my insistence and without the necessity for me to appeal to the 'enlightened' dictator.

On the eighth night of Chanukah, G-d removes the shadows of doubt. It turns out that our Father in Heaven directed us and the intuition of Michael Fuah and myself was right on the mark. If I had listened to all those urging me to appeal to the court, I would still have remained in the 36th slot - but without the possibility of expressing my lack of faith in the High Court.

Israel needs a revolution - not Knesset marionettes beholden to the dictatorship. If I now enter the Knesset from the 36th slot, it will be perfectly legitimate for me to lead the faith based revolution. And if I do not get into the Knesset, we will continue to lead the faith based revolution from where we are today. "You know," a prominent journalist said to me, "there is something unique about you. Every other politician who is no longer in the Knesset becomes immediately irrelevant. But with you, it makes no difference. You are always relevant."

The truth is that the faith based revolution is progressing quite well outside the Knesset. As a result of my primaries race, the faith based approach has reached almost every Israeli home. It will continue to take hold and develop either within the Knesset or without - simply because Israel's reality necessitates genuine Jewish leadership. It is the only relevant alternative that we have.

Influence in the Knesset

Most of the top slots in the Likud list for the Knesset are filled with those MKs who fought against Sharon and his Expulsion plan. The media called them 'rebels.' They worked hard to be elected to the top of the Likud list, with a little help from the faith based voters who responsibly and unanimously voted according to our recommendations. Those who supported the Expulsion were pushed to the bottom of the list. For the districts, Netanyahu endorsed the more 'centrist' candidates. We supported the more faithful candidates and won in most cases. The message is clear. Likud MKs eager to retain their seats and progress must be faithful to the Land of Israel, to the Likud constitution and to the values of the National Camp.

While he was planning the destruction of Gush Katif, Sharon could not have cared less about the right wing parties. The only place he had to fight was inside his own party. We all remember the mighty battle that he waged in the Likud Central Committee and against the 'rebels.'

If Netanyahu as PM attempts to surrender the Golan Heights or divide Jerusalem he will be met with serious opposition from within the Likud. In order to make the pro-Land of Israel faction in the Likud even stronger, it is crucial to register for the Likud. When the public faithful to the Land of Israel registers for the Likud and integrates into the party, it sends a message loud and clear: Those who are not faithful to the Land of Israel will not be re-elected.

Concerned about the Land of Israel? Now is the time to register for the Likud (Israeli citizens only). Encourage your friends, family and neighbors to register as well. Click here for the online registration form. Please fax the completed form to our office at 09 792 0570 or mail it to our office: POB 301, Ginot Shomron, 44853.

One more point. Toward the bottom of the Likud roster there are a number of faith based candidates who will be important in the Knesset. Keti Sheetrit is in slot 31, Sagiv Asulin in 33, Boaz Haetzni in 34, Moshe Feiglin in 36, Michael Ratzon in 37, Ehud Yatom in 38, Moshe Lehrer (of the Achi party - we're glad to welcome him on board and hope that more good people like him will realize that the Likud is the most effective place to work for the future of our Land, People and Torah) in 39 and Osnat Mark in the 40th slot.

You, the faith based voter, must decide. Do you want to use your vote to put faithful but politically insignificant people into the Knesset? Or would you prefer to use your vote to put in people who will have the political power to actually protect the Land of Israel? The choice is in your hands.

Demonstrations in the Knesset

Not surprisingly, the Jewish Home party imploded and its two components will now be running on separate lists. These parties have chalked up some positive achievements, but they never had - and never will have - political influence. They were not capable of stopping the retreat from Sinai, from Shechem, Hebron or Gush Katif. They will not be the parties to stop the retreat from the Golan Heights or Jerusalem. True, their speeches in the Knesset will express our feelings exactly. But they will be nothing more than a wonderful demonstration in the parliament.

The politicians who make up the renewed National Union are excellent people. But the only place to create the true solution to Israel's crisis - and not just to demonstrate - is in the Likud.