The Next Trick out of Bibi's Hat

The elections for chairmanship of the Likud revealed an interesting phenomenon: Moshe Feiglin's candidacy provided the Likud members (and in potential, all of Israel's citizens) with choice. In other words, if Moshe Feiglin had not run for the Likud top position, there would have been no elections at all and the candidate of the National Camp for leadership of Israel would have been chosen by default. The message of liberty; the privilege of taking responsibility and deciding your own fate – became relevant in the merit of the faith-based ideology that entered Israeli politics through the Likud.

This past election campaign was really a contest between liberty and servitude. Enslavement does not like elections. True, Netanyahu sprang the primaries upon us, but not so that other candidates would run against him. He wanted a situation in which nobody would run against him.

And nobody dared. Except of course, for the person who tries to be a man in the place where there are no men.

Now, Netanyahu has lifted the curtain on the next trick in his bag. The PM has announced that he will run for presidency of the Likud Central Committee.

This is yet another attempt to withhold the right to vote from the rank and file Likud member. The Likud is the nationalist ruling party. Generally, the person who heads the party eventually also becomes the prime minister of Israel. The Likud has admirable internal democratic processes, replete with checks and balances. Just as in a state, the Likud has the sovereign; the nation, or in this case the party members. It has a legislative branch comprised of the representatives of the members; the Likud Central Committee. This is the parliament of the party. The Likud also has an executive branch; the party representatives in the Knesset and in the government. And the Likud has a judicial branch; the party court.

Netanyahu took control of the judicial branch of the Likud quite some time ago. Every Likud member knows that the Chief Justice of the Likud Court, Yehoshua Gross, does exactly what Netanyahu wants. The voting procedures in the recent elections are a prime testimony to that accusation. Votes were systematically stolen and forged the entire length and breadth of the elections. This has been documented and we are dealing with this issue separately.

Netanyahu's control of the executive branch is also famous. It was enough to see the "candelabra" (as the media mockingly coined the picture) of government ministers who stood behind Netanyahu at every rally. Secondly, despite the fact that approximately one third of the Likud members voted for Moshe Feiglin, not one of its elected officials dares to publicly endorse him. The ministers fear Netanyahu and do not really have any space for political maneuvers. If Netanyahu insists, everyone lines up behind him; whether he decides not to approve a solution for Migron or not to endorse the legislation for hearings for High Court justices.

All that is left is control of the legislative branch; the branch elected by the sovereign; the members of the party. This is Netanyahu's next goal. He will accomplish it by running for presidency of the Likud Central Committee.

For all practical purposes, the president of the Likud Central Committee controls the decision making and legislative process of the voting body. With cooperation from special-interest groups, he can pass almost any law while blocking others.

By proposing his candidacy for president of the LCC, Netanyahu is forcing the Likud members to choose between the executive and legislative branches of the party. In other words, Netanyahu is telling the Likud that there are no more checks and balances in the party. Either we will be a one-man party or a party with no head. The subliminal threat here is that if Netanyahu is defeated in his bid for presidency of the LCC by a different candidate, he will leave the party, Sharon-style, possibly joining up with Yair Lapid, Ehud Barak (for sure) and an elite group of Meridors. And of course, if Netanyahu is elected, there is no more Likud: Just a one-man party in the service of the Left, as usual.

What can we do?

First of all, we must remember that we survived Sharon, who pulled off the same tricks, and we will also survive Netanyahu. In the meantime, Manhigut Yehudit's power in the Likud has vastly increased. The Likud members appreciate and understand who preserved their right to choose in the party and who negates that right from them; who has afforded them liberty and who is destroying the party.

Moshe Feiglin: The Redemption is not on Automatic Pilot

The process that is unfolding right now in Israel is wonderful and amazing. I am amazed at the achievements that we have had just like you are, but I am not closing my eyes to the dangers.
I want this process to continue, yet you cannot come and say that there is nothing to worry about.

What is it that they used to tell us?
"There is nothing to worry about, the process of redemption is on auto-pilot. We learned the writings of Rabbi Kook, and we know that everything will be alright. We’ll build settlements, go to yeshivot, and serve in elite combat units in the army. Our political, judicial, and academic leaders don’t understand what we are doing because they haven’t learned Rav Kook’s writings like we have. We know that the redemption is on auto-pilot, and the only direction is up."

We were stricken by the expulsion from Yamit, by the expulsion from Gush Katif, yet we did not understand.
We continued to say, "There is nothing to worry about, everything is in order, because we have 13 Nobel Prize winners." I’m really happy that we have 13 Nobel Prize winners, and I can mention even more amazing achievements.

But you cannot say, "Amazing things are happening here, and that is why there is nothing to worry about." There is something to worry about. I also believe, like you, that we are in the process of redemption, but if we don’t do our part, and leave everything up to G-d, we will absorb one blow after another. We are, in fact, absorbing these blows, constantly.

I would just like to remind everyone here:
Who built Gush Katif? The Labor party.
Who built Yitzhar? The Likud.
What is being built today in Judea and Samaria? The Arab city of Rawabi and the separation fence. And when you drive to Jerusalem, you must pass through an international crossing. If we succeed in building a house inside a settlement, even at this point in time, when the government has already lifted the settlement construction freeze, we think it’s an amazing achievement.
I agree with you that, in terms of the big picture, our current strategic reality is the reality of redemption. But on a tactical level, when looking at our daily lives, we are seeing that the state of Israel and its leaders are pushing us away from the Divine and miraculous redemption, and leading us into a state of retreat.

Today, in the settlements, we are fighting a war of survival, if you haven’t noticed.
A war of survival!
We hope that Netanyahu will stop trying to delay the Outpost Law [to legalize settlement outposts], just so that Migron will continue to exist. I have news for you. With Gush Katif, Peace Now did not petition the Supreme Court to have the settlements destroyed [unlike with Migron, which is being threatened because of a Peace Now petition].

There is a real problem. There is a conscious decision by the Israeli leadership to retreat, to dismantle these great achievements in all fields, not just with the settlements. I have focused on the settlements because that’s what is hurting us the most right now, but in reality this retreat is affecting all areas of life, including education and culture.
There is this big fan that they’ve put before us that is blowing away all of the amazing achievements that we’ve attained, and trying to scatter and break them all down. Now, we can try to run around and catch one of these things as the wind carries them away, and get an Outpost Law, or hold a protest that will stop another retreat. I’m not against these types of tactics. I also used them. I established "Zo Artzenu" ["This is Our Land," which held nationwide protests in the 1990’s] to try to stop the Oslo Accords, but someone at some point must take hold of this big fan and turn it in the opposite direction.

That is why I established Manhigut Yehudit:To put together a new agenda, to give the public some sort of goal, some kind of alternative to the current path that we are on. To come to the Jewish public in Israel with some sort of hope - a vision towards which we can work.
It’s not enough to sit in the cockpit of a plane, behind the controls, and constantly focus on evading the next anti-aircraft missile fired at it. The plane needs to have some sort of destination toward which to fly.

A Post Election Message from Moshe Feiglin

Dear and Beloved Friends,

Before we wrap up the campaign, I owe all of you a huge personal thanks from the bottom of my heart. To push the faith-based alternative uphill, over long years and against all odds is a task that I could never have done alone. You, who see the vision and the destiny in front of your eyes; you, who are always ready and willing to make sacrifices to deal with the difficult and sometimes gloomy reality – you are the secret of our success.

You, who took a day off of work to drive voters from throughout the country to the polls; you, who stood in the cold and rain for hours and insisted on voting despite all the "tricks and shticks" employed to prevent you from doing so; you, who spent hours calling voters from your private phone, convincing them to vote Feiglin; you, who spent the entire day at the polls convincing voters, observing the vote and trying to deal with all the voting shenanigans that took place; you, who donated your hard-earned money to help our campaign; all of you and all of our supporters are the pioneers breaking the way, bearing the message of the faith-based revolution and the great hope for the Nation of Israel and its state.

At the end of this election campaign, our position is far better than it was before the elections. To sum up the elections: We Crossed the Green Line in a Big Way! (Editor: The Green Line refers to the pre-1967 borders of Israel.)

In absolute numbers, we doubled the votes that we received in the past election. Three quarters of the votes we received this time were from cities and towns throughout Israel. The faith-based alternative has become part and parcel of the National Camp. It has made its way to the fore, fighting to be recognized. One quarter of the Likud (without taking into account the election fraud that is unfortunately becoming apparent) is already there! This is the most momentous and significant achievement of these elections.

Despite very difficult opening conditions which no other person in the Likud dared take on, we ran a focused, ideological campaign. Thank G-d, we have emerged strengthened and full of positive energies.

For the first time, we ran against an incumbent, very strong PM. We had to deal with a totally obedient cabinet that stood behind him at all the rallies and in the media. We ran despite the fact that from the entire Knesset faction, not one person dared to step out of line and support me. We ran against colossal financial support for Netanyahu and a never-ending stream of text messages to the voters from Netanyahu, Minister Yuli Edelstein in Russian and the Executive Director of the Likud (while we had a budget for only one text message). We ran against a party machine that activated a well-oiled mechanism of mayors and Likud branches; we ran against a barrage of threats. In the face of all of this, every fourth Likud member in Bat Yam, Holon and Yavneh came forward and voted Feiglin.

As more and more proofs of voting fraud are coming in, we can safely say that it is very likely that the actual number of votes we received is significantly higher. But that is not the point. We must understand that just as the Land of Israel is acquired through suffering, so is the leadership of Israel. In this way, though, it is acquired for eternity.

The way ahead of us is still long, treacherous and complex. There are important lessons for us to learn, changes that need to be made and a new approach that we must adopt in the Likud. But there are three things that must be done immediately:

First: Sign up new members for the Likud. (Israeli citizens only. Click here  for the registration form). Each and every one of us can register two new people: a child who has reached the age of eighteen, a relative or friend who has become interested. This is our main task and it is simple and easy. You can even do it over the phone. Don't let the dust settle. Do your part now!

Second: Make any necessary changes in your Likud membership now. If your membership has become invalid for any reason, contact the Likud at 03-6210604 to determine the problem and the solution. In these elections, many people did not vote because they hadn't updated their new address and they could not make it back to their old Likud branch to vote. To update your address so that you will be able to vote near your home, simply do the following:

1. Photocopy your Israeli ID, including the part that shows your address.
2. On the photocopy, write "Please transfer me to the Likud branch near my home." Sign your request.
3. Fax your request to the Likud at 03- 621-0771.
4. Call 03-621-0604 to ensure that they received your fax.

Third and most important: Ride on the wave of the hearts that have been opened in this campaign and connect to your local Likud branch. This is the most authentic and honest way to make your mark. Learn from our supporters who have already done this: Emmanuel Gartel and friends in Petach Tikvah, Ze'ev Cohen and friends in Rosh Ha'ayin, Hagai Greentzeig and friends in Netanyah, Dmitri Parnas and friends in Haifa, Nitzah Kahane and friends in Jerusalem, Chaim Sartzik in Bnei Brak, Aryeh Sonneberg and friends in Beit Shemesh and many more throughout the country. In every place where these connections were made, we had tremendous election results.

Connection is the true secret. It is the name of the game. When we authentically connect with our fellow Jews, nobody can separate us from the faith and true will of the majority of the Israeli public.

May we merit to perfect the world in the Kingdom of Heaven,


Moshe Feiglin

Pre-empt Iran at all Costs!

By: Yoram Ettinger

The discussion about the cost of a pre-emptive strike on Iran's nuclear facilities is valuable only if intended to advance the attack and neutralize the possible retaliation by Iran and its allies. However, such a discussion is harmful, ignores precedents, plays into Iran's hands and threatens Israel's existence, if it reflects hesitancy, skepticism and fatalism, aiming to preclude preemption, and assuming that Israel can co-exist with a nuclear-armed Iran.

On May 12, 1948, the pre-state Israeli Cabinet decided by a vote of six to four to declare independence and include Jerusalem within Israel’s boundaries, despite internal opposition and pressure by the U.S. and despite a terrible price: The U.S. withheld military aid, threatened economic sanctions and surmised that the declaration of independence would result in a second Holocaust, this time at the hands of the Arabs. Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion refused to abide by the American pressure to postpone the declaration of independence by a few years, knowing that such a delay would be tragic in the long run, and that independence exacts a painful price.

On Oct. 5, 1973, the eve of the Yom Kippur War, Prime Minister Golda Meir rejected the option of a pre-emptive strike to repel the clear and present danger of a joint Egyptian-Syrian attack. She was concerned about the cost of such a strike -- namely appearing as the aggressor and severely damaging ties with the U.S. -- and preferred to be portrayed as the victim. However, the terrible, long-term cost of that war has been far greater than pre-emptive action would have been. As expected, Israel was not viewed as a victim, but rather as a country that lost the "spirit of the Six-Day War," eroding is own deterrent power, and undermining its position as a strategic asset for the U.S.

In June 1981, on the eve of the destruction of the nuclear reactor in Iraq, then Prime Minister Menachem Begin weighed the cost of a pre-emptive strike versus the cost of inaction. The heads of the Mossad and Military Intelligence, former Defense Minister Ezer Weizman, opposition leader Shimon Peres, Deputy Prime Minister Yigael Yadin, Israel's national security adviser and the Head of the Atomic Energy Commission all opposed striking Iraq. They presented apocalyptic scenarios that would result from such action: an irreparable rift with the U.S., harsh sanctions, conflict with the Soviet Union and Western Europe, reconciliation between Muslim countries and a pan-Islamic attack, threats to the peace treaty with Egypt and other doomsday events. They underestimated the probability of a successful pre-emptive attack and overestimated Iraq's military capabilities. Some claimed there was a greater chance of seeing Israeli pilots being dragged through the streets of Baghdad than being welcomed back to their bases. But, Begin decided in favor of a pre-emptive strike, determining that the cost of restraint could be far greater than that of a pre-emptive strike; that a nuclear threat would subordinate Israel both politically and militarily; that a nuclear attack could not be ruled out considering the violent, unpredictable and hateful nature of regimes in the region, and that the ratio of Israeli territory to that of surrounding Arab states (0.2%) did not allow for a Mutual Assured Destruction. Begin understood that the window of opportunity for a strike against Iraq's nuclear reactor was about to close. The destruction of the reactor drew short-term isolation, which was promptly substituted by a long-term strategic esteem and cooperation.

In 2012, after a decade of failed attempts at engagement and sanctions, and in light of the assistance (in terms of development and acquisition) Iran has received from Pakistan, North Korea, Russia and China for its nuclear program, Israel must decide between launching a pre-emptive attack to eliminate that threat or facing it. Opponents of an attack warn that it could potentially result in a harsh response from Iran, Hezbollah and Hamas, and international anger directed at Israel over higher oil prices, a wave of terror and Persian Gulf turbulence. Yet, these pale in comparison to the lethal cost of a nuclear threat, which includes a withdrawal of overseas and Israeli investors from the country, a record number of Israeli emigrants and a sharp decline of Aliya (Jewish immigration), dwindling tourism, intensification of military-political-economic dependence on the U.S., a more powerful and influential Iranian regime that takes control of the Persian Gulf , and the transformation of Israel from a strategic asset to a strategic liability. Israel would wither without even one nuclear warhead needing to be launched.

The discussion about the cost of a pre-emptive strike on Iran's nuclear facilities is valuable only if intended to advance the attack and neutralize the possible retaliation by Iran and its allies. However, such a discussion is harmful, ignores precedents, plays into Iran's hands and threatens Israel's existence, if it reflects hesitancy, skepticism and fatalism, aiming to preclude preemption, and assuming that Israel can co-exist with a nuclear-armed Iran.